Most of the Sikh periodicals were written either in Punjabi or Urdu. They were weekly or monthly papers with sporadic bulletins and supplements. All of them had almost a similar format- a page of scripture, an editorial, a signed article on a subject of importance, local news and a column of letters from the readers. Those sponsored by an institution served, generally, a social and/or religious cause whereas those financed and sponsored by an individual reflected, alongside, the immediate concern of the patron. For example, the Khalsa Dharam Parkashak Shuddhi Pattar (1896), a monthly paper in Gurmukhi script sponsored by the Lahore Shuddhi Sabha, focused on conversions and missionary efforts. The Dukh Nivaran (1906), another monthly paper in Punjabi, was sponsored by Mohan Singh Vaid and served as a means of advocating the use of Gurmukhi. Similarly, Bhai Takhat Singh started Panjabi Bhain (1907) to propagate women's education and improvement of family life ideas so dear to his heart. Several Sikhs rulers owned or heavily subsidized some newspapers, journals, and these papers paid particular interest to news relating to the patron's state and projected his viewpoint. Nanak Prakash Kapurthala (1887), a monthly edited by Bawa Arjan Singh and financed by the Maharaja of Kapurthala, was one such paper. Patiala Akhbar (1880), a weekly which ran until the early 1900's and actively supported the Council of Regency of Patiala state, is another illustration of the close link between newspapers and princely politics.

Financial uncertainty accounted for the rapid fall of Sikh periodicals prior to 1900. Except for a few notable papers, journals usually disappeared within two or three years. Newspapers ran on slim budgets and since the number of educated Sikhs was relatively small, they had limited circulations ranging between 100-500. Accordingly, when interest in the cause waned or when circulations dropped off, the papers suspended operations, to reappear again if circumstances permitted. The first major journal which devoted itself to the Sikh cause was Aftab-i-Panjab, a biweekly publication in Urdu begun in 1866 by Diwan Buta Singh, later vice-president of the Lahore Singh Sabha, who encouraged reform efforts and Sikh creative writings. Although the regularity of publication and circulation of the paper fluctuated, it. reached an audience of around 500. The Aftab-i-Panjab had numerous editorial changes, with Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims at one time or another heading the staff. A Muslim editor, Faqir Muhammad, gave leadership at an early stage in the paper's history (1872-1880). The editorial policy of the newspaper remained reasonably consistent: It supported cow protection, mildly criticized British administration, called on Sikhs to be loyal to the government, and usually sided with attempts to remove Hindu accretions from the Sikh faith. Much of its news came either from cuttings from English and other vernacular journals, or from a string of district correspondents. The newspaper's experience points to another feature of Sikh journalism the interlocking nature of publishing enterprises. In addition to printing the paper, the Aftab-i-Panjab Press produced an assortment of Gurmukhi books on various Sikh matters and eventually a second journal, Khalsa Prakash (1891), a weekly Gurmukhi paper, with approximately 250 subscribers, which ran until 1899. The Aftab-i-Panjab was followed by Akhbar Sri Darbar Sahib which was started from Amritsar in 1867 by two Sahajdhari Sikhs, Munshi Hari Narain and Phiraia Lal. This fortnightly paper was perhaps the first newspaper to appear in Punjabi. Besides giving the Sikh and the national news, it carried advertisements from big commercial establishments, too. Since Gurmukhi type was still not available in Amritsar, it was printed from hand-written copy.

The fervour and dedication surrounding the Lahore Singh Sabha generated a major series of newspapers closely associated with the local organization. Bhai Gurmukh Singh (18491898), a Sikh reformist and Professor of Punjabi at. the Oriental College at Lahore, founded Vidya Pracharak and Gurmukhi Akhbar (1880) in order to foster Sikh education and Punjabi as a literary language. While the former collapsed soon, the latter ran till 1895 and widely influenced the Sikh intelligentsia. In 1883, Gurmukh Singh joined with Bhai Jhanda Singh and Bhai Ditt Singh to establish the Khalsa Press and Khalsa Akhbar (1883), a weekly newspaper in Punjabi. With Ditt Singh and Bhai Mayya Singh as editors, the paper became the chief spokesman for the reformist. elements within the community. After suffering a temporary setback resulting from a libel suit, the paper rebounded and built up a loyal following of around 1,000 regular readers. The paper ceased publication in 1905. Some of the other papers of this period were Singh Sabha Gazette in Punjabi (1892), Lyall Gazette, Vidyark in Punjabi (1881), Gurmukhi Akhbar (1880), Hamdard-i-Khalsa(1899), Khalsa Akhbar (1883), Khalsa Bahadar in Urdu (1897), Khalsa Samachar in Punjabi (1899), Panjab Darpan in Punjabi (1885),Singh Sabha Gazette in Punjabi (1892), and Sri Gurmat Parchar in Punjabi (1892).

By the turn of the century, literary efforts and news coverage had become an essential part of the public life of the Sikhs. The fiery prose and sensitive issues highlighted by Ditt Singh, who was a noted scholar and reveled in argument, never yielding to anybody a point in polemics, directly affected a new generation. of leaders such as Bhai Vir Singh and Sundar Singh Majithia who took up the mantle of reform and moved forward to strengthen Sikh institutions.

The Sikhs were now moving into a highly dynamic phase of institution-building, in which education, militant defence of their faith and extensive publication received prominence. Experience gained by the editors and proprietors and increase in the audience which incidentally also meant increase in income as a result of the efforts made in the past for the spread of education were two other variables which influenced press activism. Besides, several fresh developments occurred almost simultaneously. Amritsar joined Lahore as a nexus for Sikh institutions and publication. Bhai Vir Singh influenced many of the events which underlay the evolution of the Amritsar enterprises. Apart from providing leadership to the Chief Khalsa Diwan, he set up, in 1892, the Wazir-i-Hind Press which became the primary source for Punjabi literature during.the coming decades. The Press took up the publication of innumerable books and tracts on Sikhism many of which were written and edited by Bhai Vir Singh who, in 1894, helped found the Khalsa Tract Society in order to produce small, cheap volumes on theology and social topics. Statistics from the Society's 1902 report indicate that it had published almost 200 titles and distributed half a million copies.

The final building block in Bhai Vir Singh's effort to revitalize Sikhism involved the creation of an Amritsar-based newspaper. His Khalsa Samachar (1899), which has survived to this day, soon became a rallying point for pan-Punjab Sikh activities. Its editorials and detailed news reports played a major role in spreading Sikh programmes on a unified, regular,basis. Another important Sikh newspaper was Panth, a fortnightly in Punjabi, issued from Gujranwala by Lal Singh. Two more newspapers of note were the Bar (1907), a Punjabi weekly published from Lyallpur and edited by Kirpal Singh, which gave news on agrarian problems, besides lobbying for patronage of rural Sikhs, and the Ramgarhia Patrik, a Punjabi weekly published from Lahore, which contained caste news and general commentary on social reform and local issues.

English language journals also became quite popular in Sikh circles. The Khalsa (1899), a weekly newspaper in English, founded by Bhagat Lakshman Singh, demonstrated within its brief span of a little more than two years the Sikhs' determination to reach not only the Western-educated members of the community but also other Punjabis and Englishmen who did not read Punjabi. In 1903, a group of Sikhs headed by Bhai Jodh Singh established another English weekly, The Khalsa Advocate (1903). Acknowledged as one of the most important English-medium newspapers, it gained a circulation of over 1,000 and served as a spokesman for the Chief Khalsa Diwan, leading discussions on current Sikh issues. Another English weekly, published by Bhai Sohan Singh from Gujranwala, was The Sikhs and Sikhism (1903).

The major concerns of the period, beginning with 1860's when Sikh journalism had its humble beginning and ending with the turn of the century, were rebuilding Sikh identity and further developing Sikh style of life and organization. During this period Sikh journalism moved from experimentation, uncertainty and the survival of only a handful of newspapers to a new plateau characterized by sustained publication and an accepted role in the Sikh life. This process produced an effective news and propaganda network for the Sikh community.

One final trend appeared in the early 1900's which foreshadowed a major redirection in Sikh journalistic efforts. Until then, Sikh commentators had generally been loyal to the British. Newspapers sometimes criticized specific official actions, but always in a subdued tone. Constitutional reform and the spectre of separate electorates based on sectarian affiliation raised questions of how to organize and gain political influence. Immediate issues such as control of Sikh institutions (most importantly the internal operation of the Khalsa College and supervision of gurdwaras) brought them into conflict with a government hitherto considered benevolent. The natural consequence was political commentary and a crescendo of hostile writing on British administration. Leaving aside the shrill call to revolution of Ghadr writers in America, the shift in emphasis and tone of Sikh journalism did not occur suddenly. The time-tested network of tract societies and newspapers stood ready, and when the dual explosion of Jallianvala Bagh and Guru ka Bagh thrust Sikhs into a new era of political experience, Sikh journalism came to the forefront making, a decisive shift from self-criticism and socioreligious discussion to active political participation.

Anew breed of newspapers arose in response to the needs and demands of the community. Between 1922 and 1933, at least 20 radical Sikh periodicals waged verbal war against the British government and opponents within the community. Many were prosecuted, banned, or driven out of circulation by heavy security demand. Others managed to survive, primarily because of their widespread popularity and also because of management's ability to keep one step ahead of the censor and the judicial system. The Akali, started in 1920, and its various associated newspapers, symbolized this phase of militant journalism.

A handful of Sikh activists founded a series of newspapers in late 1922 and early 1923. The Urdu Akali, with circulation ranging from 2,000 to 10,000, received financial aid from the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and published a crescendo of denunciations against both the British and anti-Sikh forces. Several of its 1924 numbers were banned and, in the following decade, its various editors and registered proprietors underwent as many as twelve trials for publishing sedition or creating public disturbance. Master Tara Singh, a prominent Akali, was acknowledged as a major force behind the paper. He also was associated with a Gurmukhi version of the Akali and its sister concern, Akali to Pardesi. Almost no year passed without at least one fresh prosecution of the Akali to Pardesi staff and, although security demands frequently led to its temporary suspension, the paper kept emerging with new registered proprietors and the same militant message. Sikhs demanded control of their institutions and political future. The Akali and similar papers such as Panth Sevak, political spokesman for Sikhs, opposed the Chief Khalsa Diwan's moderation. The anti Akali forces developed their own chain of journals, such as the Sanatan Sikh, ( a Gurmukhi weekly from Amritsar), and the Sikh Sudhar, an Urdu journal from Amritsar that supported organizations opposed to the Akali Dal. The relatively short lives of such papers, however, mirrored the inability of publications to continue indefinitely without substantial support from the Sikh public.

Although radical politics and polemics dominated Sikh journalism during the 1920's, two other trends were also apparent. First, the earlier tendency for factions and organizations among Sikhs to publish periodicals continued and even intensified. Nirankaris, Namdharis, and organizations deemed heretical, such as the Panch Khalsa Diwan of Bhasaur, had their organs of propaganda. The latter, for example, sponsored the Panch Khalsa Samachar and its successors, while the Central Malva Khalsa Diwan published the weekly Kripan Bahadur. Secondly, the diversity and numerous activities among Sikhs led to the appearance of specialized newspapers. The Gurdwara Gazette, sponsored by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, focused on news, elections, and administrative arrangements within Sikh shrines, while several papers, such as the Gurmat, a weekly Gurmukhi newspaper owned by the Gurmat Tract. Society, Lahore, tended to print essentially scriptural and religious articles. Sikh Brahmans, Khatris and other social networks had newspapers, with the most voluminous assortment emanating from the Ramgarhia community. Between 1922 and 1942, at least ten different Ramgarhia newspapers and periodicals appeared, sometimes with general news and political commentary, but more often serving as a channel of communication among Ramgarhia families.

A more secular and cosmopolitan approach to journalism could be found in two new publications, Mauji and Phulwari. Mauji (1931), a Gurmukhi weekly published first in Amritsar and later in Lahore, featured satire, humour, commentary, and critical essays modelled after those in the English Punch. Phulwari(1931), a monthly specializing in social, literary and political commentary, evolved from a narrow and essentially political focus to a broad-based journal prominent among educated Sikhs who appreciated its range of concerns. Edited by Hira Singh Dard, Phulwari set new standards of Punjabi prose and served as a major sounding board for Sikh intellectuals. Some of the most important essays by Sikh historians and theologians were first printed in Phulwari.

Once the turmoil surrounding the period of reforms subsided in approximately 1920, Sikh journalism entered a relatively calm phase of growth. Although the total number of journals remained relatively stationary, in the range of 40 to 50 annually, the editors and titles of periodicals changed frequently. Many newspapers appeared briefly, developed a subscription list around 300 to 600, stumbled financially, and then either disappeared or merged with another journal. Important papers such as the Khalsa Samachar, Fateh, Mauji, Phulwari, and the Khalsa Sewak ( a controversial daily from Amritsar with the redoubtable editor and politician Giani Sher Singh at its back) provided continuity, as did specialized ventures such as Nirguniara, Gurdwara Gazette, and an assortment of college or educational magazines. Most Sikh papers tended to be in Gurmukhi, but Urdu held its own as a major literary language for the community.

In 1942, some of the Sikh newspapers and journals in Urdu were Ajit, Khalsa Vir, Gargajj, Punjab Gazette and Rajput Qaumi Prakash. The longest-lived and most influential Sikh newspaper in Urdu has been the Sher-i-Panjab which after 1947 moved to Delhi and is still in existence. While Lahore and Amritsar served as publication centres for Sikhs as well as for other Punjabis, Sikh journalists and presses were dispersed throughout central Punjab in district towns such as Firozpur, Ambala, Ludhiana and Jalandhar. The content of such a broad network of journals varied with the sponsoring group (or proprietor) and circumstances. For example, major concerns included ongoing political problems (such as defence of Sikh interests in the armed forces, the census, and elections), social issues, and special incidents such as the firing at Sisganj and controversy over the Shahidganj Gurdwara. Earlier preoccupation with Hindu opponents tended to be replaced with overt conflict with the Muslim majority in Punjab. In addition, because of the large rural and agrarian composition of the Sikh population, peasant issues received attention either in editorials or in the form of particular journals ( for example, Kirti, a Gurmukhi and Urdu paper affiliated with the Punjab Communist Party). Propagation of Punjabi and enrichment of Punjabi literature also constituted common themes.

Indian independence and consequent partition of the country in 1947 resulted in the dislocation of a segment of Sikh journals and opened yet another era of challenge and change. Sikh newspapermen adjusted to the altered conditions and led both in rehabilitation efforts and the mounting demand for creation of a predominantly Sikh state. The journalists and publications of the community thus had come full circle. Sikh journalism initially had arisen in response to the problems of defining Sikhism and protecting Sikh rights and institutions. After 1947, the same concerns once again came to the forefront in an independent India. The success of Punjabi Suba, the further legitimisation of Punjabi as an official and literary language, and the strengthened foundation of the Sikh religion owe much to the vigorous leadership and energy of a vigilant press.